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vineri, 29.03.2024

Independent "piggy bank"

GALERIE
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    These days, PDSR (Social Democracy Party) makes one more alliance. Not a political but a financial one. Not a circumstantial but more a strategic one. It is about Florin Georgescu's appointment - a completely devoted man to PDSR - as a leader of the National Bank. To everyone's amusement, the pretext invoked by the Premier Adrian Nastase for the changing of the BNR governor is to ensure the political independence of the bank. To this maneuver, which betrays an old obsession of PDSR, that of having the BNR's control, the distrust manifested towards those politically unregistered adds.
    Isarescu was never the man to say the Government that he doesn't agree with promoting some political and financial measures. No matter what political color the government might have, Isarescu manoeuvred in accordance with the space he had. He didn't afford to make observations, as he understood the game of power. And he accepted it. He owes PDSR, which supported him for the function of governor of BNR, as much as he owes PNTCD (National Christian and Democratic Peasant Party), which maintained and proposed him for the function of Prime Minister. Hard to believe that he would be some party's man. This is why the accusation of representing PNTCD's or some other party's interests is childish.
    Isarescu's replacement, through legislative artifice, is decided in a moment when Romania needs to regain the trust of the international financial organisms. Isarescu is perceived as a specialist by the officials of these organisms and his experience might represent anytime a trump in the negotiations. The ex-premier has also some notable achievements: the successful outrunning of the top of payments of the external debt in 1999, a BNR's currency reserve at the highest level after 1989, which means negotiation positions much more advantageous with the financial organisms.
    Who is Florin Georgescu? The former Finance minister of Vacaroiu Cabinet, the fiery partisan of the cross system of compensation, has an extremely unfavorable external image. Inflation in the period 1992-1996 was amounting to hundred percentages record-figures. On his demand, the uncovered emission of coin was made in order to adjust the compensations to salaries and pensions. Moreover, during his mandate, Georgescu stood out by his lack of professionalism in treating the foreign investors. The ones who reached Victoria Palace were seen as some currency exchangers. The formula "bai nenica" ("listen to me, old chap") remained famous, the one which determined the IMF officials to freeze any relationship with Bucharest.
    But the most significant suspicions appear when we start observing the relationship the candidate to the governor function has with some of the businessmen whose names are related to the financial scandals.
    The PDSR - BNR rapprochement frightens. Anything related to a party is susceptible of politicization and political influencing. BNR's supposed independence will be like the independence of a piggy bank that you had let in peace over the year in order to break it on Christmas. Having the Bancorex example and knowing the way in which PDSR used its political influence in order to make its clientele happy, we could wonder what it is going to happen to BNR. This is not a commercial bank, it doesn't grant credits, but it is an essential piece in promoting the governmental politics. Who controls it owns Romania's nervous system. BNR supervises the bank system, rules the popular banks' functioning, so the arguments to explain the PDSR's interest are sufficient.
    On the other hand, PDSR is aware of the fact that, in default of an international financial deficit and some expensive credits for Romania, the financing of a big deficit, of more than 3.5% of GDP, will be a problem. The signals coming form PDSR show that BNR's currency reserve would be resorted to for the financing of the budgetary deficit. This is also the short run interest of the governing party. But it could contradict, on a long run, the negotiation criteria in the EU file, establishing certain limits of the currency reserves for the candidate countries. A risk difficult to be overseen.
    (Mihai CHIPER)

    © Drepturi de Autor (Copyright) - Acest articol este proprietatea Ziarul de Iasi (www.ziaruldeiasi.ro) si este protejat de Legea dreptului de autor si drepturilor conexe (8/1996). Preluarea acestui articol se poate face, potrivit reglementarilor in vigoare, doar în limita a maximum 500 de caractere, urmate obligatoriu de un link directionat catre acest articol! Orice incalcare a acestor prevederi va fi supusa procedurilor pentru intrarea in legalitate si recuperarea daunelor.

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