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Macedonian Lesson

GALERIE
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    Islam Veljiu, an Albanian aged 38, disappeared for good on April 17th while returning from a neighbor village to his home, in the Albanian village Delogozda in North-Eastern Macedonia. His brother-in-law says "we have had no new about him since then. And Police doesn't make any investigation".
    Sultan Mehmeti, 38 too, "the strongest man in Ladolista", another Albanian village in the same zone of Macedonia, was seen the last time on May 6th at 9 p.m., when he was stopped by a control of the Police. His brother, Filizon, hopes that Sultan "is in prison, but we know nothing about what happens to him".
    These persons were active members of DPA. The situations presented above are extracted from a feature published by "Le Monde" on June 20th, entitled "Albanians in Macedonia consider they are victims of breaches and expeditious justice".
    Both breaches and expeditious justice are directly associated to the Macedonian state and the Macedonian ethnic community.
    In the feature in "Le Monde" it is admitted that generally, the victims of the kind (56 in the last two months) are "controversial" persons, in the sense they are involved in doubtful affairs or had relations to UCK, either the one in Kosovo or the one in Macedonia. What consumes the Albanians' spirit has nothing to do to the moral purity of the ones who became victims of this strange kind of story, but to the type of summary justice the State tries to apply, preventively, to the "dangerous" Albanians. The lack of an investigation immediately becomes synonymous to an ethnic conspiracy. But "Le Monde" talks even more about the lack of an investigation.
    Unable to militarily defeat the Albanian guerilla, without slaughtering the civil population all together too, the tough wing of the government in Skopje, run by the Premier and the Internal minister, seems to believe in the effectiveness of some kind of a state unofficial guerilla, for whose facts no account is asked at Brussels or Washington.
    The problem is such practice entirely de-legitimates the Macedonian State in the eyes of the Albanian population, even as for those in principle loyal, urging it to generalization and aggressive actions, political or military, not only against the state, but against the Macedonian ethnic representatives too, those who "own" the state.
    On the other side, the Macedonians perceive the Albanians' revolt as a betrayal of a "political hospitality" that only Macedonia was ready to accord, among all states in the zone.
    The political mentality of leaders in Skopje, anticipated by the para-military militias", a mentality finally a little different of the one of the rebel Albanians, burst out, creating the conditions for a real inter-ethnic war: now, the two parties talk the same language, the state collapsing in front of the ethnic and territorial instincts.
    The legitimacy the exaggerated bombing created the rebels made that NATO and EU have for the first time official discussions to UCK at Aracinovo, negotiating the withdrawal of the several hundreds armed Albanians.
    The Macedonians in Skopie received the acknowledgement de facto of UCK as a betrayal from the international community and assaulted the buildings of the state power, accused of weakness and betrayal by complicity with the Occident. To answer the popular pressure, the government has already promised it "would lead the Macedonian soldiers to victory".
    An intensification of the military actions is certain.
    At present in Macedonia, the excitation of the two camps is maximal, UCK is an acknowledged actor, therefore it can make a "classic" war, and the population loses more and more the situation of the individual responsibilities, considering "Albanian: respectively "Macedonian" are synonymous to absolute evil.
    The breaches that would inevitably follow on the one side and on the other will increase the anger and dissipate the chances of a political solution that take into consideration the need of self respect and the traumas of each party.
    A massive NATO intervention remains, therefore, the only imaginable way to stop violence. It will be an intervention not to save Macedonia but to restructure it constitutionally, the Albanians managing to win this right by the trap in which, eventually, the government in Skopje felt.
    The main thing to learn out of this crisis is that the state has a much bigger capacity to multiply a crisis comparing to a group of its citizens, no matter how well it might be organized: the injustice made in the name of the state is perceived as much more painful than the "private" one and is easier to be generalized.
    Any Albanian dead under suspect circumstances, even if he is killed by the Mafia, becomes a national hero, for which the owners of the state has to pay.
    We can hardly think of a clearer urge to wisdom in approaching the statute of a compact minority by a sovereign country than the one included in the Macedonian lesson.
    (Sorin MOISA)

    © Drepturi de Autor (Copyright) - Acest articol este proprietatea Ziarul de Iasi (www.ziaruldeiasi.ro) si este protejat de Legea dreptului de autor si drepturilor conexe (8/1996). Preluarea acestui articol se poate face, potrivit reglementarilor in vigoare, doar în limita a maximum 500 de caractere, urmate obligatoriu de un link directionat catre acest articol! Orice incalcare a acestor prevederi va fi supusa procedurilor pentru intrarea in legalitate si recuperarea daunelor.

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