Caută 
3 MIN
The approach of the general elections should have led to the clarification of the political options, both at the left and at the right of the political spectrum. I am not referring now to a doctrinal clearance, premature and relatively useless in such a confuse political space and in front of an electorate who makes no big difference between the right and the left. Normally, with another distribution and with other players, the social democrat pole, coagulated or not around a strong party, should have found by its side PDSR, PD, ApR and PSDR. All together, the percents obtained in the polls by the four parties (PSDR is taken into consideration only for its historical prestige and for having participated to the Socialist International) would lead to a parliamentary majority more than comfortable. In fact, PD and PSDR are now governing and, therefore, they are or should be the target of the PDSR attacks. The politics led by the Isarescu government is also the politics of the parties led by Petre Roman and Alexandru Athanasiu and it has little in common with the PDSR position towards the main reform measures, the part played by the state or the litigious aspects of the international politics.
Petre Roman is also the minister of Foreign Affairs and it is hard to believe that his "performing" within the current alliance is at PDSR’s will.
The two parties, PD and PSDR, could not form a socialist alliance without assuming a general opinion suspecting them either of insincerity until now, in a rule so contested by the opposition, or of insincerity from now on, in an alliance so uncomfortable politically.
The position of ApR is a little more delicate; it is a party that collected its sympathies until now either from the CDR traditional electorate, disappointed by the current rule, or from the PDSR electorate, who had saluted, in 1997, the separation of Ion Iliescu and hoped in the setting up of a modern social democrat line. ApR played in two fields, letting the impression it could glide at any time towards the liberal pole. The approach to PSDR could eliminate the liberal sympathizers of ApR. A coalition PDSR – ApR could lead to a different algorithm, as toxic as the one consumed between PNTCD< PNL and PD. The social democrat pole would look in our space as motley and heterogeneous as the present right alliance.
Yet, there is a piece of news in the current distribution: both at the right and at the left we have a certain party unanimity, rivaling the bolshevism. The distinct voices have been reduced to silence or were forced to leave the ship in a lifeboat. They are all the same from this point of view: the less the big personalities, the happier the mediocrities; there is an empty seat front and center.
The convictions are no more an interest point. In order to resist in the party one has to obey the intolerant majority. From this point of view, there is no difference between the unanimity at the PNL Congress and the hosannas for Iliescu. Unanimity is the bigger perversity that democracy can reach. It is a denial of its own essence; democracy exists only when there is someone who has the right to deny it and nobody tries to suppress him for that. Unanimity is the end of democracy. (Val Condurache)
